With cold calculation the counter-revolutionary command ordered the murder of nine people and numerous acts of violence and destruction since early April 15. The United States tries a newway to defeat the Bolivarian Revolution: the creation of a classic fascist movement.
A week before the election victory of Nicolás Maduro, referring to the attack on artists committed to the Revolution, I pointed out the differences between McCarthyism and Nazism-Fascism in an article published in the Correo del Orinoco.
McCarthyism “operates from a balance of power in favor of a system it defends from the top of a totalitarian ideology,” while fascism “appears as the last resort of a social order harassed by the masses, to which capital also aims to respond from mass sectors, trying to organize the poorest and disorganized class, which also lacks of consciousness, accompanied by strips of the middle classes.”
Thus, predictable dynamics is strengthened. The attack on the artists, as a expression of McCarthyism, has a limited size. But its metamorphosis is inexorable in harsh and hard Nazi-fascist behaviours, not against artists, but against the masses that drive the revolution.” That’s what happened after the election.
Unlike lots of supporters of the Revolution, the State Department correctly assessed the meaning of the revolutionary victory at the polls, supported by a mass mobilization of unprecedented magnitude and duration. Accordingly, they prepared the answer in advance: face those demonstrations with a scrawny reissue of fascism, backed by foreign mercenaries and waste of money in order to persuade low-income sectors.
That line of action was defined in advance. But it is important to stress its test nature. Given the kind of unprecedented demonstrations organized between December 9 and April 11, and the relationship of forces among the classes that it (line of action) established, the counter-revolutionary command discarded a final offensive after the elections. This line of action
only sought to put their mercenaries in motion and measure the response of the Revolution.
Multifocal strategy is not a fascist movement, but a step in the attempt to build it. In addition, there was a possibility that a wrong behavior of the Bolivarian government detonated uncontrolled acts of violence, which would have led to foreign intervention in the internal conflict.
In any scenario, the bourgeoisie had a gainful balance. If the government failed, it (bourgeoisie) would have transformed their strategy into a military intervention, if not falling into the trap, the government would have left a space for them to act with impunity to harass the forces of the revolution and prevent them from launching a counterattack, no matter the internal consequences.
This is the point. Here is where the confrontation arises in order to see if the grafted fascism sprouts in Venezuela, It was necessary to see if the counter-revolution may or may not count on organized social support to face the Revolution.
The election results count. The bold and aggressive intervention of imperialism in the election campaign in the absence of Chávez, in higher proportion than expected, managed to detach sectors of the petty bourgeoisie and disjointed parts of the dispossessed masses. Explaining that displacement because of the errors and foolishness of the Revolution is like finding
moisture in the rain. Such attitudes often reveal an inclination to refuse the rain to not suffer moisture. Anyway, these sectors of society continue now in dispute, but on different conditions. And this represents a challenge for Political-Military Board of the Revolution.
All prominent members of the government and the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), starting with Nicolás Maduro, have reiterated that there will be no impunity for the perpetrators and masterminds of the nine dead, nearly a hundred wounded and countless acts of vandalism.
This position is supported by chavists and undoubtedly legal actions will be taken against Henrique Capriles, Leopoldo López, Carlos Ocariz, Armando Briquet, among others who called for violence. When this occurs in the coming days, the extreme right-wing will try intensifying terrorist actions. In an interview published by El Mundo of Spain and La Nación of Argentina, Capriles already announced his line of action. When the audit of the National Electoral Council
(CNE) is completed, he will demand new elections and justify the continuity of terrorist actions.
The essential prosecution and conviction of those responsible is only one aspect of the problem. The biggest challenge is to face the continuation of violence led by local and foreign mercenaries. This is the core of the essay that begins after the first week of terrorist actions: check the behavior of the government and the revolutionary forces.
It is still necessary not to fall over the cliff by way of violence as a response against extreme right commands. At the same time, it is essential to prevent the continuity of killings and destruction, as this would have a double effect. On the one hand, this would demoralize and sow seeds of division in the ranks of the revolution. On the other hand, it would encourage the
development of extreme right-wing commands and their progress towards a fascist movement, considering the whole concept of that word: a mass-backed force that perpetrates violent actions against the masses. The calls for peace, reflection, are necessary but insufficient. It is necessary to develop the power of persuasion and self-defense .
The State has the tools to protect property and people at risk and, at most, to demolish ultra-right commands: the Bolivarian National Armed Forces and Militia specifically. However, the true instrument at this stage of the confrontation is primarily the political aspect: the PSUV and the possibility of intervention by Community Councils and other mass organizations.
Contrary to valuable opinions that plays down or condemn the PSUV, I have defended the certainty that the PSUV has the strength that allowed the continuity of the government and the revolution during the prolonged illness of Commander Hugo Chávez, as well as the articulation of the Polo Patriótico, the victory of the elections held on October 7th, the win of governorship in 20 states, the keeping of increasing mass mobilization for four months, and then winning of the
presidency on April 14.
But the new stage is more demanding. The PSUV founding concepts, as well as the practice developed in its short existence, enable it to meet this historic challenge. Its leadership is called to revitalize the internal life of the largest and most important Party in Latin America, to organize the debate, inform the membership, follow the joint scientific criteria and organize daily line of action. The PSUV needs a media that informs, instruct, educate, organize and take the
necessary political action for the self-defense, essential to the passage to the fascist movement
promoted by Washington.
It is up to the imperialist membership in Latin America and the world to counteract and defeat the misinformation and slander campaign launched by the Internacional Parda and media at their service. We should all strive in this great battle of strategic scope.
Caracas, April 22, 2013.